Clicxpost

Africa

south african refugees face fear and loss amid new wave of anti-immigrant protests

South Africa xenophobia protests

For Ethiopian refugee Helana Wolde, the anti-immigrant demonstrations sweeping across South Africa brought back memories he had hoped to leave behind. As thousands marched through the streets demanding the removal of foreign nationals, Wolde locked the doors of his small grocery store in central Durban and stayed inside with his family, watching the events on television.

His wife and three children, all born in South Africa, were frightened by the hostility directed at migrants. The demonstrations stayed largely peaceful in many areas, but reports of isolated attacks on foreign-owned businesses and looting pushed anxiety higher across immigrant communities nationwide.

For Wolde, leaving South Africa isn’t a real option. He fled Ethiopia more than two decades ago to escape political persecution, and he says going back would mean facing uncertainty and danger again. Instead, he reopened his shop the morning after the protests, hoping things would settle.

“I have no home, no property and no family waiting for me in Ethiopia,” he said, explaining that several relatives had been imprisoned there. “South Africa is where I rebuilt my life.”

thousands leave temporarily, others stay put

Ahead of the nationwide demonstrations held on June 30, many immigrants relocated temporarily to safer areas or shut their businesses, worried about violence like past outbreaks of xenophobic unrest.

Still, thousands of refugees and migrant workers stayed in their communities, feeling they had little choice. Many have spent years building businesses, raising families and settling into South African life. Leaving would mean giving up livelihoods built over years of work.

For shop owners like Wolde, reopening after the protests was both an economic necessity and a show of resilience. His store escaped damage, but several neighboring businesses owned by foreign nationals were vandalized or looted during isolated incidents.

protesters tie immigration to economic hardship

The demonstrations were organized by a movement called March and March, which argues illegal immigration has placed excessive strain on South Africa’s economy, jobs and public services. Its leaders say the campaign targets undocumented migrants specifically, not refugees or legal immigrants. Human rights groups and community organizations counter that in practice, foreign nationals become targets regardless of their legal status.

Demonstrators called for stricter immigration enforcement and mass deportations, arguing that South Africans are losing business opportunities and jobs to foreigners. March and March leader Jacinta Ngobese told supporters that South Africans should regain control of the country’s economy, accusing immigrants of dominating neighborhood retail trade. She said the group plans to keep protesting every Thursday until its demands are met.

high unemployment drives frustration

South Africa continues to post one of the world’s highest unemployment rates, with roughly a third of the labor force unable to find work. Persistent poverty, rising living costs, weak public services and high crime have built up public frustration over time.

Economists acknowledge those problems are severe, but many reject the idea that immigration drives them. Research points instead to slow economic growth, structural inequality, electricity shortages, weak investment and governance failures as the main causes. Even so, immigration has become a politically charged issue, with many South Africans viewing migrants as direct competitors for jobs, housing and business opportunities.

refugees are a small share of the population

Public perception aside, refugees make up a small portion of South Africa’s population. The United Nations refugee agency puts the number of recognized refugees and asylum seekers in the country at around 167,000. The broader immigrant population sits at roughly three million, about 4% of the national population.

That’s modest by regional standards. Uganda currently shelters around 1.8 million refugees, Chad hosts more than 1.2 million, and Kenya holds about 850,000 displaced people. Migration researchers point to those numbers as evidence that South Africa’s refugee population is small compared with its neighbors.

small businesses become targets

Foreign-owned convenience stores have repeatedly become flashpoints during past outbreaks of xenophobic violence, and this week followed the same pattern. In Clermont township near Durban, Ethiopian businessman Daniel Abide watched as one of his two convenience stores was looted overnight. The attackers emptied the shelves and destroyed property, shutting the store down temporarily. His second shop wasn’t touched.

Abide, who has lived in South Africa for ten years, says he’s invested heavily in his businesses and employs local residents. “Foreigners are not taking jobs from South Africans,” he said. “We are creating businesses, paying rent, paying taxes and hiring workers.” He plans to rebuild the damaged store despite the financial hit.

Residents said several businesses owned by Somali and Pakistani entrepreneurs were also hit during the unrest. Workers repaired broken storefronts while owners worried about further attacks after dark.

refugees face daily scrutiny

Even migrants with valid documentation report frequent harassment. Wolde carries a laminated folder with his refugee certificate, tax records and banking documents everywhere he goes. He says police officers and members of the public demand proof of his legal status multiple times a day.

South African authorities have said repeatedly that only law enforcement can request immigration documents, but refugees say informal identity checks from members of the public continue anyway. Human rights groups warn this creates fear and encourages discrimination against legally recognized refugees. For business owners, the uncertainty has also scared off customers. “People are afraid to visit this area now,” Wolde said. “Business has slowed because everyone is nervous.”

government condemns vigilantism, urges calm

South African officials have condemned violence against foreign nationals and reminded citizens that immigration enforcement is the state’s job, not the public’s. Authorities have warned against vigilantism, stressing that individuals have no legal authority to demand papers or force people out of communities.

Community organizations are calling for stronger police protection in neighborhoods with foreign-owned businesses, worried that continued anti-immigrant rhetoric could fuel more violence. Advocacy groups are pressing the government to address the economic frustrations behind the anger while protecting refugee communities from intimidation.

a repeating pattern

For many immigrants, the unrest echoes previous waves of xenophobic violence that have broken out across South Africa over the past two decades. Wolde survived major outbreaks in 2008, 2015 and 2021. Each time, foreign-owned businesses were looted or destroyed, forcing families to rebuild from scratch. Despite that history, thousands of refugees have stayed, believing South Africa still offers more safety and opportunity than the countries they left.

The latest protests have shaken confidence in refugee communities, but many migrants remain determined to keep living and working in South Africa. For Wolde, starting over somewhere else would mean rebuilding his life a second time. He’s choosing to stay instead.

Standing behind the counter as customers slowly return, he reflects on what his family has endured. “I survived political persecution, violence and previous attacks,” he said quietly. “I came here to work honestly and provide for my family.” He paused, then added, “I don’t understand why people are angry with us. We are simply trying to build a better life.”

RECOMMENDED
Africa

Explosions Heard in Addis Ababa as Opposition Claims Drone Strikes

By George Mensah 5 min read

Explosions were heard overnight in Ethiopia’s capital, Addis Ababa, three diplomatic sources said on Thursday. A source linked to the opposition alliance fighting government forces in the north said the alliance carried out several drone strikes in the city, including some aimed at the military’s headquarters. Reuters could not verify the claim, and witnesses reported no damage near the military base. The blasts have added to fears that renewed fighting in Ethiopia’s north is spreading toward the capital.

What Is Known About the Blasts

The three diplomatic sources spoke on condition of anonymity and gave few details. Two diplomats told Bloomberg that one blast was reported near the 4 Kilo area in the centre of the city and a second near the headquarters of the Ethiopian National Defense Force.

Spokespeople for Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s office, the federal government and the Ethiopian National Defence Force did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

If confirmed, it would be the first known drone attack by anti-government forces on the capital. Addis Ababa lies hundreds of kilometres from the front lines in Tigray, Amhara and Afar.

The Opposition Claim

The opposition source said the alliance hit several targets in the capital with drones. Reuters could not independently check that, and witnesses saw no visible damage near the military base. The source gave no further detail on what was struck.

The alliance has been fighting federal forces since last week. It is called the Ethiopian Peoples’ Forces Alliance for Survival, and it brings together seven armed groups from different regions. The Tigray People’s Liberation Front, or TPLF, is one of its main members.

A Drone Ban and a Capture Claim

On Wednesday, the national intelligence service banned drone flights over Addis Ababa and its surroundings for security reasons. It did not say when the ban would end.

Opposition forces had not been known to use armed drones, but evidence is growing that they may have some capability. On Tuesday, a pro-government militia said it had captured drone frames and batteries from forces linked to the TPLF. Reuters could not verify that either.

Drones have already been part of the war. A drone hit the headquarters of Tigrai TV in Mekelle on Sunday, and the UN chief, Antonio Guterres, said he was troubled by reports of drone use and harm to civilians. The government holds a heavy advantage in the air. It has a large drone arsenal, about 500,000 troops and support from abroad, notably the United Arab Emirates.

An Analyst’s Warning

Edward Bach, senior Africa analyst at the risk intelligence company Verisk Maplecroft, said an opposition strike on Addis Ababa would change the politics of the war. He called it “a political game-changer.” It would undercut any government line that the capital is untouched by the conflict, he said. It would also narrow a major tactical advantage for federal forces, which is their control of the skies.

Fighting in the North

Last week’s clashes were the biggest escalation in Ethiopia since the 2020-2022 civil war ended. They broke a four-year-old peace deal between the TPLF and the federal government. The earlier war killed hundreds of thousands of people.

This time the TPLF has teamed up with six other armed groups that aim to overthrow Abiy’s government. Federal forces have moved forward in southern Tigray and are edging closer to the regional capital, Mekelle. The alliance has taken towns in neighbouring Afar.

The pro-government Tigray Peace Forces militia said on Wednesday that it and the Ethiopian military had captured the town of Korem. Korem is about 100 km (62 miles) south of Mekelle. An Afar government official told Reuters on Thursday that federal and regional forces had retaken the towns of Erebti and Abaala, near the Tigray border. Reuters could not confirm any of the battlefield reports.

In Afar, where the TPLF took several towns early in the fighting, tens of thousands of people have fled their homes. Valerie Browning, a founder of the Afar Pastoralist Development Association, told Reuters about the displacement.

Fears for the Wider Region

The conflict could add to instability across the Horn of Africa, which is already strained by Sudan’s civil war, friction between Ethiopia and Eritrea over Red Sea access, and spillover from Middle East conflicts.

Ethiopia’s government accuses Eritrea, Sudan and Egypt of backing the opposition alliance. All three deny it. Haji Awol Arba, Afar’s chief administrator, went further earlier this week. He told Al Jazeera that Eritrean soldiers had crossed into Afar to join the alliance’s offensive. Eritrea’s information minister did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Eritrea fought alongside Ethiopia’s federal government against the TPLF in the last war. Relations between the two old rivals have since soured. Asmara sees Abiy’s repeated claims that landlocked Ethiopia has a right to sea access as an implicit threat. Abiy has said Ethiopia intends to secure sea access by peaceful means.

What Happens Next

Several questions are open. The government has not said whether the blasts were drone strikes, who launched them or what they hit. Independent confirmation could come from more diplomatic or witness accounts, or from official statements. The drone ban over the capital stays in force, with no end date.

On the ground, federal forces are pushing toward Mekelle and fighting continues in Afar. How far the war spreads, and whether Eritrea takes a role, will shape what comes next. Until the explosions in Addis Ababa are confirmed or explained, the opposition’s claim remains unverified.

Africa

Man Charged Over Fake Nigerian Agency That Won $1 Million Budget

By George Mensah 4 min read

A Nigerian man accused of running a government agency the presidency says does not exist was charged in an Abuja court on Wednesday with forgery and impersonation. Prosecutors allege Adeniyi Adeyemi has posed since 2024 as director-general of the Presidential Foreign Investment Promotion Council, or PFIPC, which the presidency says it neither established nor authorised him to lead. Adeyemi pleaded not guilty to all eight charges and was sent to prison until his next court date on October 12. The case has exposed gaps in the checks that govern Nigeria’s public institutions.

What Prosecutors Allege

Nigeria arraigns boss of bogus government agency.

According to court filings, the purported agency won office space inside the federal secretariat. It secured a roughly $1 million budget allocation this year and tried to open accounts at the Central Bank of Nigeria. Several government institutions also processed its requests in the belief that it was legitimate.

The case has gripped Nigerians because of the scale of what is alleged. A state agency that the government says never existed appears to have passed through several layers of state bureaucracy.

The Forged Letters

Prosecutors accuse Adeyemi of forging an appointment letter purportedly issued by President Bola Tinubu and signed by the president’s chief of staff, Femi Gbajabiamila. Gbajabiamila could not be reached for comment on Wednesday.

They also say Adeyemi used documents bearing presidential letterheads to request office space, staff deployments and cooperation from government agencies. Other counts allege forged requests for office accommodation, an approval of staff account status, and a conveyance approval, all purportedly issued by the State House.

Prosecutors have not accused any government officials of conspiring with Adeyemi. He is jointly charged with two people identified only as Femi and Anu, who are said to be at large.

What Happened in Court

Adeyemi arrived in a white kaftan and baseball cap. He smiled and chatted with his lawyers before prosecutors read the eight charges at the federal high court in Abuja. Justice Muhammed Umar remanded him at the Kuje Correctional Centre after the plea.

Rotimi Oyedepo, the director of public prosecutions, told the court the attorney-general of the federation had directed him to take over the case from the police, and he asked for Adeyemi to be held in custody. Adeyemi’s lawyer, Genesis Francis, said a bail application dated January 12, 2026, had been filed and served on the prosecution. Adeyemi, 38, will stay in custody until that application is heard on October 12.

Adeyemi was arrested in the southwestern state of Osun. A judge had issued a warrant for him after he failed to appear in court five times.

What Adeyemi Says

Adeyemi has denied wrongdoing in interviews with local media. He says the PFIPC is genuine and that he personally approached budget officials to get it included in government spending plans.

He also told a meeting in Lagos on September 26 that the police, the Department of State Services and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission had cleared him of wrongdoing.

That claim runs against the prosecution’s account. Prosecutors say an investigation ordered by the presidency and carried out by the same anti-corruption commission found the council had no legal backing. The two accounts cannot both be right, and the court will have to sort out which is accurate.

What the Case Says About Oversight

Nigeria has long struggled with corruption and weak oversight in public services, and the case is seen as reinforcing a view that official procedures can be bypassed with the right documents and claims of powerful connections.

The charges describe a chain of ordinary administrative steps that were each approved or processed: a request for office space, a staff posting, a budget line, a bank account application. Prosecutors have not said which officials handled those requests or what checks they ran. Those questions are separate from the criminal case against Adeyemi, but they are the ones the court filings raise.

The presidency’s position is clear. It says it did not create the agency or authorise Adeyemi to lead it. Yet according to court filings, the agency held office space in a federal building and a budget allocation in a federal spending plan. That gap is the story.

What Happens Next

Adeyemi returns to court on October 12, when his bail application is due to be heard. He remains in custody until then.

Several points are still open. Prosecutors have not said how Adeyemi allegedly obtained the budget allocation, who in government approved it, or where the money went. Two co-defendants are at large. Adeyemi has not given a detailed public account of how he says the council was created.

His lawyers have not said whether they will challenge the forgery counts. The case will show whether the documents are as the prosecution describes them, and whether a body that never legally existed was able to operate inside the federal system for more than a year.

ADVERTISEMENT
Scroll to Top