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Trump Storms Into Michigan One Day After Obama as the Senate Fight Turns Bitter

Trump Port Huron rally

President Donald Trump will hold a rally in Port Huron, eastern Michigan, on Sunday, one day after former President Barack Obama campaigned for Democrats in the state. The back-to-back visits come a little more than a week before the November 3 midterm elections, and they land in one of the most competitive US Senate races in the country.

The contest is an open-seat race between Republican Mike Rogers, a former US representative, and Democratic candidate Abdul El-Sayed. The result will help decide which party controls the Senate. Trump has attacked El-Sayed repeatedly from the Oval Office and at rallies in other states, yet he had not campaigned in Michigan at all this year before Sunday.

A First Michigan Visit of 2026

Port Huron sits in an area of Michigan that Trump won in the 2024 presidential election with more than 66% of the vote. That makes it friendly ground for a president who has stayed away from the state until now. His audience on Sunday will be made up largely of voters who already support him, so the rally is more likely to raise turnout among Republicans than to change minds.

The rally will also bring attention to the US-Canada tariff standoff. The trade fight has affected the Detroit-based US auto industry, and Rogers has distanced himself from the president’s policy. Reuters has reported on how automakers were affected by the tariff dispute with Canada.

That puts Rogers in a delicate position on Sunday. He needs Trump’s supporters to vote for him, and he has publicly split from the president on a policy that has hit the state’s auto industry. Whether he appears alongside Trump in Port Huron, and what he says about tariffs if he does, will show how far that split goes.

The Attacks on El-Sayed

Former US President Barack Obama campaigns for Democratic US Senate nominee Abdul El-Sayed and Democratic gubernatorial candidate Jocelyn Benson at a rally in Detroit

El-Sayed, if he wins, would become the first Muslim elected to the US Senate. Trump has tried to paint him as a Muslim extremist. He has also mocked El-Sayed’s middle name, Mohamed, which is a common Muslim name.

El-Sayed has dismissed the accusation. In a recent advertisement he defended his religion directly, saying, “faith is a thing there’s just too little of in Washington.”

Rogers has taken a related line. He has alleged, without evidence, that El-Sayed has ties to the Muslim Brotherhood, one of the Arab world’s oldest and most influential Islamist groups. At a debate last week he put the question to El-Sayed in these words:

“If you are going to go to the United States Senate, we need to know: Are you for America or are you for these terrorist groups overseas?” Rogers said.

El-Sayed has denied any affiliation with the group. He says it is “shameful” for Rogers to question his allegiance to the United States.

Obama Answers in Detroit

On Saturday, Obama took the issue head on at a rally in Detroit. He described the attacks on El-Sayed as an attempt by his opponents to make him look “less patriotic and less American than they are.”

Obama drew on his own experience. He was the target of false claims that he was born in Kenya, a story Reuters has fact-checked.

“We have seen this movie before,” Obama said. “I starred in it … This stuff didn’t work on me. Not in Michigan. It’s not going to work on Abdul.”

The comparison was deliberate. Obama was telling the crowd that he had faced questions about his loyalty and his place in the country, and that voters rejected those questions. He was asking Michigan voters to reach the same conclusion about El-Sayed.

The Kenya reference gave the speech a personal edge. Obama argued that the pattern was familiar, and that Michigan voters had already shown they could see through it when it was aimed at him. El-Sayed has taken a similar position on his own, denying the Muslim Brotherhood affiliation and calling Rogers’ questions about his loyalty shameful.

Trump Responds Within Hours

Former US President Barack Obama campaigns with Democratic candidates in Detroit

Trump did not let the Detroit event pass. In an early Sunday morning post on Truth Social, he dismissed Obama’s work on behalf of the Democratic candidate.

“Now he’s campaigning for a Muslim Brotherhood Jihadist, who hates Jews and Blacks and AMERICANS and TRUMP, and he is going to lose, also,” Trump wrote.

The post repeats the claim about the Muslim Brotherhood that Rogers made at the debate, and that El-Sayed has denied. Reuters has reported that Rogers made the allegation without evidence. Trump’s post offered none.

What the Two Visits Show

Taken together, the Saturday and Sunday events give the clearest picture so far of how each party sees Michigan. Democrats sent their most popular former president to Detroit on the weekend before the final full week of campaigning. Republicans answered by sending the sitting president to a part of the state he won by a wide margin in 2024.

Each choice reflects a need. Democrats want to fire up their supporters in a tight race. Republicans want to make sure their own base turns out, and they want El-Sayed’s religion and background to stay in the conversation until Election Day. Rogers has to manage both a president whose tariff policy has hurt Michigan automakers and a campaign message about El-Sayed that Trump is pushing harder than he is.

The attacks on El-Sayed carry a risk for Republicans that is separate from the tariff issue. Rogers made an allegation about terrorist groups without presenting evidence, and El-Sayed answered by calling it “shameful.” Trump’s post goes further than Rogers’ language, which puts pressure on the Republican nominee to say whether he agrees with it.

For Democrats, the risk comes from the same dispute. A race that becomes a debate about El-Sayed’s faith and name leaves less room for other subjects, including the tariff fight that Rogers has already stepped away from. Obama tried to turn the discussion in a different direction by calling the attacks a repeat of what he faced, and the El-Sayed campaign may find that framing useful for the next ten days.

The Tariff Fight Complicates the Republican Pitch

The Port Huron rally will also feature the tariff standoff with Canada. That is a subject on which Trump’s own party’s Senate nominee has distanced himself from him. In Michigan, Rogers has moved a short distance away from the president on one issue that touches a major employer in the state.

This gives El-Sayed an opening that does not depend on religion or identity. He can say that Rogers backs a president whose trade policy has hurt Detroit’s automakers, and Rogers has to answer by pointing to the distance he has already put between himself and Trump on tariffs. Voters who care mainly about the auto industry will hear a different argument from voters who respond to the Muslim Brotherhood claims.

The Senate Math

The Michigan race matters beyond the state because the Senate is closely divided. Democrats need a net gain of four seats in both the US Senate and the US House of Representatives to overturn the Republicans’ narrow majorities, which stand at 53-47 in the Senate and 218-214 in the House.

A four-seat gain in the Senate would give Democrats a 51-49 majority. That leaves almost no room for error. Democrats cannot afford to lose an open seat that they hope to win, and Republicans cannot afford to lose one they hope to hold. An open seat has no incumbent, so neither party can lean on an established record, and the nominees are judged on their campaigns, their party labels and the national mood.

Michigan fits that description. Rogers and El-Sayed are both new to the Senate, the race has no incumbent to defend, and voters have received a steady stream of national figures telling them how to see it. In the last 48 hours alone they have heard from a former Democratic president and a sitting Republican one.

Rogers is the one candidate in the race whose name Trump did not use in his Sunday post. The president named Obama and El-Sayed, and the Republican nominee’s own message on tariffs sits apart from the one Trump is bringing to Port Huron.

What Comes Next

Trump’s rally in Port Huron is the first test of how he talks about Michigan when he is physically in the state. Voters and reporters will be watching for three things: whether he repeats his language about El-Sayed, how he defends the tariff standoff with Canada in a state with a large auto industry, and whether Rogers shares the stage.

After Sunday, both campaigns have little more than a week to turn the weekend’s attention into votes. El-Sayed has one claim to rebut and one historic first to argue for. Rogers has one president to stand behind on most issues and one policy to separate himself from. Michigan voters will settle both questions on November 3.

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US News

Inflation Hits 3.7% as Gas Prices Push US Families Into Side Jobs and Cancelled Trips

By George Mensah 7 min read

US consumer prices rose 3.7% in the 12 months to September, up from 3.4% in August, the Bureau of Labor Statistics reported on Wednesday, October 14. A 9.1% monthly jump in gasoline prices drove most of the increase, and the annual figure came in above forecasts. Across the country, families are changing how they work, eat, travel and save to absorb it.

What the September report shows

Prices rose 0.6% from August to September, after a 0.4% rise the month before. Core inflation, which strips out food and energy, climbed to 2.6% a year from 2.4%, so the pressure is not confined to the pump. Shelter costs rose 0.4% in the month, and airline fares are up 22% over the past year, according to Axios’s breakdown of the data. Food prices were flat in September, which means grocery bills have stopped climbing for now, even though many households say they are still paying far more than they did a year ago.

Gasoline did the damage this month. It rose 3.9% in August and then 9.1% in September. AAA put the September average for a gallon of regular at $4.33, which is 50 cents above the previous September record of $3.83, set in 2023. A year ago the national average was $3.16. In California, the most expensive state, a gallon cost $6.40 at the start of October. Diesel has also hit record highs, and that cost passes through to anything trucked to a store shelf.

The Trump administration has responded by temporarily easing restrictions on tax-exempt diesel and lifting some sanctions on Russian fuel to bring more diesel onto the market, Axios reported.

Three jobs, and still short

Kathryn Vaughn, 46, started the school year in rural West Tennessee with a longer list of worries than she had last autumn. She teaches art at a primary school. When the final bell rings, she drives to her second job, facilitating an after-school programme for at-risk youth. Her five-year-old son comes along, which saves the family the cost of childcare.

The third job is a patchwork. “I have done some incredibly unhinged things to survive,” she said. “I hand-modeled for a local jewelry store, I sell everything that sits longer than ten minutes at my house on Facebook swap sites, I resell clothes on ThredUp and Poshmark.” She also writes obituaries for money. Together, the work still does not cover the bills for a family of four.

The cuts keep coming. Back-to-school shopping for her son’s supplies came to $130, a bill that stopped her in the aisle. She decided to buy his school lunches each day instead of packing them, after working out that the school meal cost less than the groceries for a homemade one. The family dropped a planned autumn trip to Florida to see her parents because the gas money was out of reach.

“It’s rough out here,” Vaughn said. “The cost of everything is insane. Gas to get to work, my insurance costs have gone up, feeding two children and a husband. It’s a lot.”

Her situation is common among people with steady jobs. A full-time teaching salary and two more positions are not producing a cushion, and the extra work is going to costs that have already risen, not to savings.

A home purchase that keeps slipping

Punal Bhavsar, 39, lives in California and had a plan. He expected to save enough in 2026 to buy a house. He assumed interest rates would fall during the year, which would bring monthly mortgage payments down to a level he could manage.

That plan no longer looks workable. “I was thinking the interest rates would decrease and then I’d be able to purchase a house, but I don’t think that’s likely now,” he said. The reason is in the policy outlook. With inflation rising, the Federal Reserve is discussing another rate increase, not a cut, and Treasury yields moved up on Wednesday’s data. The 2-year yield rose 12 basis points and the 10-year rose 7, which tends to push mortgage rates the same direction.

Saving has become harder for him at the same time. Gasoline is his largest new expense. He drives a car that needs premium fuel, and where he lives it sells for close to $6 a gallon (£4.50). “For me, it’s just like gas prices have got to be under control,” he said, explaining why he may vote on that single issue in the midterm elections in November. He described the economic outlook as bleak.

Ground beef at $8 a pound

Caitlin Green moved to Utah seven years ago. Her mother helped her unpack and gave her one rule for feeding a household cheaply: buy ground beef.

The rule has stopped working. Green remembers paying about $2 a pound. She now pays $8, she said. Her grocery spending with her husband has gone from roughly $200 a month to $400. They sometimes switch to ground turkey or ground chicken, and she reworks recipes around what costs less that week.

“[Ground beef] is almost … not a luxury like steak … but it’s just to the point where it’s become a luxury; we have to think about it if we’re going to purchase it,” she said. “I understand inflation is a thing, but I just feel like in my lifetime, I’ve never seen inflation hit so quickly and so drastically.”

Her account matches the flat September food reading only partly. Monthly grocery prices paused, but a household that doubled its grocery budget over a longer stretch does not feel a pause. Government data measures the change from one month to the next and from one year to the next; families measure what they pay today against what they paid when they last felt comfortable.

Confidence at a low

Americans’ own assessments are poor. The Gallup Economic Confidence Index, which runs from -100 to +100 and combines views of current conditions with the outlook, stood at -40 in September. A summer survey by the Guardian found that 95% of respondents believe the US is in an affordability crisis.

Those numbers arrive three weeks before the midterm elections on November 3. Bhavsar’s comment about voting on gas prices alone is one example. Candidates in both parties are likely to face the same question from voters: what happens to the price of fuel, food and housing before the next paycheck.

What the Federal Reserve is weighing

Wednesday’s report changed the odds on interest rates. CME FedWatch data showed the probability of a rate increase at the Fed’s late-October meeting rising to 44% from 22% a day earlier, according to Axios.

Federal Reserve officials have been giving different readings of the situation in the past three days. Cleveland Fed President Beth Hammack said in a speech on Monday, October 12, that inflation pressure extends well beyond energy and comes from tariffs, AI investment and rising prices for services. Fed Governor Christopher Waller told Bloomberg on Tuesday, October 13, that higher Treasury yields are already slowing activity, which could lower the need for a hike this month. New York Fed President John Williams has said one more increase may come this year, and that the Fed may not need to raise rates again in 2027.

The split matters for people like Bhavsar. If Waller’s reading holds, borrowing costs may stop rising before they cause more damage. If Hammack’s holds, the Fed has more work to do, and mortgage rates stay where they are or move higher.

How households are coping

The three households in this report share a pattern. Each has changed where the money goes in specific, small steps:

  • Work: Vaughn took on a second job and a series of side gigs, and she brings her son to her after-school shift to avoid paying for care.
  • Food: Green swapped ground beef for turkey or chicken. Vaughn compared the cost of homemade and school lunches and chose the school option.
  • Travel: Vaughn’s family cancelled a trip to see her parents. Bhavsar says fuel is his largest new expense.
  • Big purchases: Bhavsar has postponed his plan to buy a home, because he no longer expects mortgage rates to fall.

None of these steps is dramatic on its own. Together, they add up to a household budget that has been rebuilt around a price level that arrived faster than wages did.

What to watch next

The next dates are close together. The Federal Reserve meets in late October and will decide whether to raise rates. Voters go to the polls in the midterm elections on November 3. The Social Security Administration will announce the 2027 cost-of-living adjustment, which takes effect in January and will tell millions of retirees how much of this year’s price increase their benefits will cover. The October inflation report, due in November, will show whether gasoline prices, which eased slightly from their peak in early October, have started to pull the annual figure back down.

For Vaughn, Bhavsar and Green, the practical question is smaller. It is whether the price at the pump and the checkout counter will stop rising before the next round of bills arrives.

Sources

US News

Public executions in the US stopped nearly a century ago – why are they resuming now?

By George Mensah 7 min read

The US military plans to carry out a public execution by firing squad and broadcast it live, the first announcement of its kind in the United States in almost 90 years. US Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth said the military would publicly execute Nidal Hasan, who killed 13 unarmed fellow soldiers at the Fort Hood base in Texas in 2009. The Pentagon later said the execution would be live-streamed.

“People need to understand that there’s serious consequences for these types of things,” Hegseth said.

The announcement has drawn alarm from a death penalty scholar, an author who researched the last major public hanging in America, a violence researcher and the chair of the US Conference of Catholic Bishops. President Donald Trump has said he approved the decision to livestream Hasan’s death. Vice-President JD Vance says he will not watch.

What was announced

The sources available so far describe the plan in broad terms. Hasan, who killed 13 people in the 2009 shooting at Fort Hood, would be executed by firing squad. The military would conduct the execution in public, and the Pentagon says it will be livestreamed.

Trump was asked whether he would tune in himself and avoided the question. He confirmed that he had approved the livestream. “I really don’t care how he goes as long as he goes,” Trump said. “And I think that the death penalty is a very worthy way of going for him.”

Vance, who is Catholic, has said he would not be watching the execution.

The reports do not say when the execution will take place, where it will be held or who will be able to view the stream. Those details have not been made public in the material reviewed for this article.

The last time America did this

The previous public executions in the US belong to a different era. The most prominent took place on 14 August 1936 in Owensboro, Kentucky, during a heat wave. It was a Friday.

Rainey Bethea, an orphan in his 20s, was hanged on a riverfront gallows. He had been sentenced to death after allegedly confessing to robbing, raping and killing Lischia Edwards, 70, an elderly white widow. Bethea was black.

The scene around the gallows turned into a public event. Spectators arrived from near and far. Some slept overnight close to the gallows to keep their places. Others held “necktie” parties the evening before and arrived hungover. Teenagers sold popcorn and soda to the crowd.

By the time of the execution at 5am, the crowd was estimated at 20,000 people, including men, women and children. Reporters had come from as far away as Chicago and New York. Many spectators were there to see a rumoured “Lady Executioner”. The local sheriff had died four months earlier and his widow had taken over the post. She declined to pull the lever herself, and hired hangmen carried out the hanging.

Bethea had eaten his last meal the previous afternoon: fried chicken, pork chops, mashed potatoes, pickled cucumbers, cornbread, lemon pie and ice cream.

The spectacle embarrassed many in Kentucky. Eighteen months later, the governor outlawed public executions. By then most states had already stopped holding executions in view of the public, as attitudes turned toward more humane and private methods. A hanging in Missouri in 1937 drew a few hundred people. It was less well known, and it is recorded as the final public execution in America.

Hegseth’s announcement comes a little more than 90 years after Bethea’s death.

A scholar who did not expect it

Michael Radelet, a professor emeritus at the University of Colorado and a long-time scholar of capital punishment, said the announcement shocked him. “I never imagined [another] public execution,” he told the BBC.

He pointed to falling public support for the death penalty. Backing for capital punishment was 80% in 1994 and stands at 52% now. That is a drop of 28 percentage points, or a fall of 35% from the 1994 level, by our calculation. “It’s gone down precipitously, especially when you give the alternative of life without parole,” Radelet said.

It is too soon to know what Americans think of livestreaming an execution. The BBC’s reporting assumes a large audience, saying it is nearly certain that millions of people or more would tune in.

That prospect troubles Radelet. With Hegseth’s announcement, he said, “the justification for the death penalty becomes entertainment … bring your popcorn, invite your friends”.

An author with a family link to 1936

Sonya Lea published a book last year about Bethea’s execution. When she heard of the planned livestream, she “felt absolute horror for our descendants”.

“What they called it in 1936 was a carnival of sadism,” she said. “That we now have the technology that can make it go wider than the 20,000 people who showed up … to witness in Owensboro, Kentucky, it just makes it even more horrific.”

Her connection is personal. Lea’s grandparents were teenage newlyweds in the 1936 crowd. She learned that only after her grandmother died in 2002, when she read an account her grandmother had left. It said they stood close enough to hear Bethea’s neck snap.

Years of research afterward taught Lea that many Kentuckians were “haunted” by the execution. She had believed that kind of event belonged to the past.

“I really thought, with all my heart, that we had put this in the rearview mirror, this level of grotesquery that only a few countries in the world engage in – Iran, North Korea, Afghanistan,” she said. “Are we now, as the United States of America, considering ourselves to be part of that kind of government? It’s just horrific.”

Polarisation and desensitisation

Kurt Gray, a social psychology professor at Ohio State University, said the polarised tone of American politics may have made the announcement possible. He does not think most Americans want to see it.

“Some Americans might thirst for blood, but I think a lot of Americans don’t, and, if anything, I think a lot of other Americans are just kind of maybe desensitised,” he said. “So it’s not like they’re cheering a public execution; they’re just like, ‘Oh, yeah, I guess that’s where we’re at now.’”

Gray’s point separates two groups. Some Americans may welcome the broadcast. Many others, in his view, may simply accept it as normal.

A reading of the country that may be wrong

Other research suggests Hegseth and the administration may be misjudging the public. Garen Wintemute, director of the Violence Prevention Research Program at the University of California, Berkeley, said survey data point to a declining appetite for violence in the US.

He also cited the response from religious leaders. “This morning, the chair of the US Conference of Catholic Bishops labeled this [livestream execution announcement] as barbaric,” Wintemute said. “And I think he speaks for a lot of people.”

“I think it’s this: A public execution is not who we are,” he added. “It’s not who we aspire to be as a country.”

Vance is a Catholic. The chair of the bishops’ conference has called the plan barbaric, and Vance has said he will not watch.

The case and the reaction

The criticism in the BBC’s reporting is aimed at the method and the broadcast, not at the verdict. Radelet objects to turning a punishment into entertainment. Lea objects to the technology. Gray and Wintemute talk about what the plan says about the country. None of them is quoted disputing that Hasan killed 13 people.

Hegseth framed it as a response to that crime. His stated reason was that people need to understand there are serious consequences for such acts. Trump’s reason was blunter: he said he did not care how Hasan dies as long as he does.

What to watch

The material reviewed so far leaves several questions open. The date of the execution is not given. Neither is the format of the stream, or whether the public will be allowed to attend in person. The sources also do not say whether any legal challenge is planned.

Opinion surveys will be worth watching. Public support for the death penalty is at 52%, the current figure Radelet cited, and no poll yet measures how Americans feel about a livestreamed execution. The first such numbers will show whether Gray’s reading of a desensitised public or Wintemute’s reading of a country that rejects the idea is closer to the truth.

The 1936 hanging in Owensboro shows how long the memory of such a spectacle can last. Many Kentuckians were haunted by it, and the governor acted within 18 months. Whether the Hasan execution produces a similar reaction depends on how many people watch and what they make of it.

Sources: BBC News reporting on the planned execution of Nidal Hasan; statements from Pete Hegseth, Donald Trump and JD Vance; comments from Michael Radelet (University of Colorado), Sonya Lea, Kurt Gray (Ohio State University) and Garen Wintemute (University of California, Berkeley).

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